I began my first session at the Diary of Lin Hsien-tang (林獻堂) <灌園先生日記> Reading Group today. Lin Hsien-tang is one of the most famous Taiwanese figures during the Japanese period for his role in advocating for self-rule and founded the Taiwan Cultural Association 台灣文化協會.
It was awkward not knowing anyone in the reading group. The group assigns Ph.D. students one entry from the dairy to present on. The presenter has to cover three areas: grammar/spelling, plain/vernacular translation (白話), and historical background of persons, place names, and other proper nouns. Each entry is read out loud by one member. The reading out-loud part makes me realize that I do not know the pronunciation of some words, although I know the meaning of most of them. The teachers in the group make sure that each area in the presentation is covered completely and accurately, and raise discussion questions on certain topics.
I think this exercise will help me in learning more about Japanese-colonized Taiwan through an elite perspective, learning how to read historical sources, and improving my Chinese reading proficiency. I am going to wait to see when I will feel comfortable enough to volunteer to present on one entry. Some entries are much easier than others. I am mostly scared of the grammar/spelling part, because I do not have the language proficiency to find missing words, misspelled words, and incorrect punctuation marks.
I need to work on my Mandarin speaking skills though... My Taiwanese hoklo proficiency is smoother than Mandarin at this point.
Monday, October 17, 2011
Occupy 101
Several media I watched on television did not give good coverage of the event on October 15, 2011. A couple of hundreds of people gathered around Taipei 101 and voiced their dissatisfaction with the current situation. The media used the word "chaos" (亂) to describe the event. The media showed a mocking tone when it reported that although close to 7,000 people liked the event on Facebook, only a few hundreds showed up. The media also said that the police was filming every protester's face because the businesses in the Taipei 101 building claimed that they will sue the protesters for hurting their business.
The interviews that the media conducted gave a negative light to the event. One visitor to Taipei 101 said, "If the businesses are pulling down their metal doors, it must mean that the protesters are doing something wrong to make the businesses react this way. [The protesters] should reflect on their actions." Besides this visitor, the only other voiced we heard in the media was a foreign tourist who said, "I think it's interesting, but I didn't think it would be here." Both interviews expressed negative reactions to the protesters. One foreign protester (with American accent) said that he participated in Occupy 101 to show solidarity with his friends in Occupy Wall Street. While I did not see all media coverage on this event, I get the sense that many Taiwanese media do not like protest or demonstrations in any form that take place in Taiwan. I saw one channel that reported on Occupy Wall Street in a positive light, while what was going on in Cairo as "riot."
The interviews that the media conducted gave a negative light to the event. One visitor to Taipei 101 said, "If the businesses are pulling down their metal doors, it must mean that the protesters are doing something wrong to make the businesses react this way. [The protesters] should reflect on their actions." Besides this visitor, the only other voiced we heard in the media was a foreign tourist who said, "I think it's interesting, but I didn't think it would be here." Both interviews expressed negative reactions to the protesters. One foreign protester (with American accent) said that he participated in Occupy 101 to show solidarity with his friends in Occupy Wall Street. While I did not see all media coverage on this event, I get the sense that many Taiwanese media do not like protest or demonstrations in any form that take place in Taiwan. I saw one channel that reported on Occupy Wall Street in a positive light, while what was going on in Cairo as "riot."
Tuesday, October 11, 2011
Translators in Japanese-colonized Taiwan
Professor Yang Cheng-Shu's talk (楊承淑, 輔仁大學跨文化研究所教授) on Taiwanese and Japanese translators from the Japanese-colonized period in Taiwan (1895-1945) that took place at the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica today sought to introduce the significance of translators in Japanese-colonized Taiwanese society. Professor Yang took upon Anthony Pym's call to center translators in writing and understanding history (Method in Translation History, 1998). Her work focused on key translators for the famous Taiwanese leader, Lin Hsien-tang 林獻堂, and three Japanese people who stayed in Taiwan for some time who wrote about Taiwanese culture and society.
As a linguist, Professor Yang received many questions on and criticisms for providing descriptions of these translators, and no analysis of the act of and the content of their translations in influencing Taiwanese society or the colonizer-colonized power relations. A member of the audience brought up Lydia Liu's concept of translingual practice for Professor Yang to think about.
In sum, the concept introduced at this talk was not new to me because I am familiar with Lydia Liu, Douglas Holland, and other works on Chinese and Japanese translations of Western concepts from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Scholars of China and of Japan have worked on how translations provided a window to the political, social, and cultural environments of China and Japan. It is time that scholars of Taiwan do the same for Taiwan.
Although the main concept was not new, what was new to me was learning about how a local elite communicated with the colonial government and other Japanese elites, and how the colonial government and the Japanese interacted with the local populations through translators. This group of translators were proficient in both Japanese and (likely) Taiwanese hoklo. This cultural "interaction" that was induced by Japanese education has given me something to think about during my research.
As a linguist, Professor Yang received many questions on and criticisms for providing descriptions of these translators, and no analysis of the act of and the content of their translations in influencing Taiwanese society or the colonizer-colonized power relations. A member of the audience brought up Lydia Liu's concept of translingual practice for Professor Yang to think about.
In sum, the concept introduced at this talk was not new to me because I am familiar with Lydia Liu, Douglas Holland, and other works on Chinese and Japanese translations of Western concepts from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Scholars of China and of Japan have worked on how translations provided a window to the political, social, and cultural environments of China and Japan. It is time that scholars of Taiwan do the same for Taiwan.
Although the main concept was not new, what was new to me was learning about how a local elite communicated with the colonial government and other Japanese elites, and how the colonial government and the Japanese interacted with the local populations through translators. This group of translators were proficient in both Japanese and (likely) Taiwanese hoklo. This cultural "interaction" that was induced by Japanese education has given me something to think about during my research.
Fort Santo Domingo
When I first learned Taiwanese history on my own in college, I learned about Fort Santo Domingo in Tamsui as a Spanish fort in the early seventeenth century. With today's visit, I learned that the fort was used as a British consulate office since the Second Opium War (or called the Arrow War, 1856-1860), when the Manchu Qing government designated Tamsui as a treaty port, until 1971/1972. The fort was reconstructed in the late nineteenth century. It was built in a strategic place, with the view of the mouth of Tamsui River.
Tamsui's treaty-port status made possible George Leslie Mackay, a Canadian missionary, in establishing one of the first girls' schools in Taiwan, Tamsui. He married Tiuⁿ Chhang-miâ 張聰明, a Taiwanese woman. Today, the town of Tamsui has his bust statue near the Tamsui Old Street, a famous tourist place.
Today, Fort Santo Domingo has become a museum of Tamsui's history. Through the history of Tamsui, one gets a sense of Taiwan as a strategic place for European and Asian powers to compete for economic interests: Spanish, Dutch, Chinese, French, British, and Japanese. With the historical narrative at Tamsui Museum and the question/advice of one of my qualifying exam committee members, I am thinking harder on how to talk about and think about Taiwan as an important island that tells a wonderful transnational history. Because of Taiwan's history and immigration patterns, Taiwan is a bridge between East Asia, the Pacific islands, and Southeast Asia. Can I, will I, find a way to discuss Taiwan as a bridge, as a transnational place?
Tamsui's treaty-port status made possible George Leslie Mackay, a Canadian missionary, in establishing one of the first girls' schools in Taiwan, Tamsui. He married Tiuⁿ Chhang-miâ 張聰明, a Taiwanese woman. Today, the town of Tamsui has his bust statue near the Tamsui Old Street, a famous tourist place.
Today, Fort Santo Domingo has become a museum of Tamsui's history. Through the history of Tamsui, one gets a sense of Taiwan as a strategic place for European and Asian powers to compete for economic interests: Spanish, Dutch, Chinese, French, British, and Japanese. With the historical narrative at Tamsui Museum and the question/advice of one of my qualifying exam committee members, I am thinking harder on how to talk about and think about Taiwan as an important island that tells a wonderful transnational history. Because of Taiwan's history and immigration patterns, Taiwan is a bridge between East Asia, the Pacific islands, and Southeast Asia. Can I, will I, find a way to discuss Taiwan as a bridge, as a transnational place?
Reflection on First-round interviews
My research in Taiwan began within a few days after my arrival in Taiwan. My grandmother (Ah-ma in Taiwanese hoklo) took me to visit her classmates, relatives, and former neighbors in the Taipei area. Being the nice and enthusiastic person she always is, she wanted to make sure that she introduced me or "confirmed my relationship with her" before her return to the U.S. For three days straight, the almost-eighty-two-year-old A-ma took train and bus with me from morning to evening, traveling around the Taipei area. We visited her older sister, 96-year-old great-grandaunt, sister-in-law, former neighbors, and classmate.
The great part about traveling with her was that she reaffirmed or introduced my relationship to her. This enabled the interviewees to accept my presence. Ah-ma also persuaded everyone that "it was okay" to let me interview them and record the interview, and to allow me to use/cite the interview for my dissertation. Interviewees were more open and more at ease because Ah-ma was there with me. I also noticed that interviewees told me more stories and details as part of their conversation with Ah-ma. They often did not pay attention to me. Instead, it was a conversation that I listened to.
This "conversation-like" interview was also the less-good part about traveling with Ah-ma. In trying to be helpful, Ah-ma often repeated certain explanations that the interviewee had already provided. Sometimes Ah-ma explained terms that I already knew (according to her assumption of my level of Taiwanese hoklo). These "commentaries" made my recordings unusable for archival storage. There were also many off-topic "conversations" that made my interviews choppy.
On the second day of the interviews, I thought about setting some ground rules with Ah-ma. But I felt bad because we had conducted interviews a certain way, and I did not want to make her feel that I was ungrateful. She was also using the opportunity to visit people she had not seen in nearly 20 years.
The only interview without Ah-ma's presence was at my cousin's wedding. It was a remarkable interview because the interviewee, the grandmother of my cousin's bride, remembered a lot from her educational experiences, and was using mostly Japanese with me. The unfortunate part was that the wedding music, conversation, and other sounds overwhelmed the recording, and her voice was barely audible. I did not obtain her contact information because I plan to ask my aunt to connect me with this grandmother.
Nevertheless, these are great "pre-interviews." I have a general idea as to who the great interviewees were, and who were best suitable for which topics if I were to conduct follow-up interviews. I have established contact with these people, and obtained their contact information. I need to obtain textual and image documents before I conduct more interviews. I can interview more people by asking my relatives and friends to introduce me to their grandparents and friends.
The great part about traveling with her was that she reaffirmed or introduced my relationship to her. This enabled the interviewees to accept my presence. Ah-ma also persuaded everyone that "it was okay" to let me interview them and record the interview, and to allow me to use/cite the interview for my dissertation. Interviewees were more open and more at ease because Ah-ma was there with me. I also noticed that interviewees told me more stories and details as part of their conversation with Ah-ma. They often did not pay attention to me. Instead, it was a conversation that I listened to.
This "conversation-like" interview was also the less-good part about traveling with Ah-ma. In trying to be helpful, Ah-ma often repeated certain explanations that the interviewee had already provided. Sometimes Ah-ma explained terms that I already knew (according to her assumption of my level of Taiwanese hoklo). These "commentaries" made my recordings unusable for archival storage. There were also many off-topic "conversations" that made my interviews choppy.
On the second day of the interviews, I thought about setting some ground rules with Ah-ma. But I felt bad because we had conducted interviews a certain way, and I did not want to make her feel that I was ungrateful. She was also using the opportunity to visit people she had not seen in nearly 20 years.
The only interview without Ah-ma's presence was at my cousin's wedding. It was a remarkable interview because the interviewee, the grandmother of my cousin's bride, remembered a lot from her educational experiences, and was using mostly Japanese with me. The unfortunate part was that the wedding music, conversation, and other sounds overwhelmed the recording, and her voice was barely audible. I did not obtain her contact information because I plan to ask my aunt to connect me with this grandmother.
Nevertheless, these are great "pre-interviews." I have a general idea as to who the great interviewees were, and who were best suitable for which topics if I were to conduct follow-up interviews. I have established contact with these people, and obtained their contact information. I need to obtain textual and image documents before I conduct more interviews. I can interview more people by asking my relatives and friends to introduce me to their grandparents and friends.
Saturday, October 8, 2011
"Traditional Taiwanese Wedding" vs. "21st-century Taiwanese wedding
I was excited to attend two cousins' wedding banquets today, one for lunch (dad's side of cousin), and one for dinner (mom's side of cousin). Both diverged from the "traditional wedding banquet" (pandoh in pei-oe-ji Taiwanese hoklo) that I remember from childhood. Elements of "Western" influences were prominent.
In the "traditional banquet," my favorite banquet food- lobster on top of sliced cabbage with mayonnaise on top- was always one of the first dishes. The groom would have to drink alcohol from the bride's shoes. Pandoh is traditionally taken place outdoors, under set-up tents.
In these "21st-century wedding" that take place in hotels and banquet halls, banquet menu is still dominated by seafood, but my favorite lobster dish is not present. I heard that these dishes are also different from the "traditional banquet."
Western influences on the "21st-century wedding":
1. Slide-show of the couple- their childhood to adulthood, and how the couple met.
2. Toast to all guests at the beginning of the banquet- although this toast is given by a professional wedding host, with a generic congratulations speech.
3. Bouquet tossing for single ladies
4. Instead of garter tossing, broccoli tossing for single men is the trend in Taiwan. I need to look up what broccoli means because none of my cousins knows.
5. Introduction of the wedding party, and the newlyweds. Because the wedding ceremony is not open to all guests, the "father-giving-away-the-daughter" gesture is performed at the banquet. The groom stands in the middle of the hall while the bride walks arm-in-arm with her father. Her father places her hands in the groom's hands, and said words (of wisdom?) to the groom before letting them go.
6. Chairs are decorated with those chair covers seen in the U.S.
7. "Wedding favors"- limited numbers of wedding favors are passed to guests who must "grab" them from the bride (and the groom). Not everyone gets one.
Similarities between the two:
1. Very red (and pink).
2. The groom, the bride, and their parents still have to walk to each table for toast.
3. The groom and the bride and their parents still have to stand by the door to say good-byes to guests, one-by-one, and give out candies.
4. Ten or more dishes are served. The first dish is always a cold dish, and the last dish is fruits.
5. The bride still needs to change at least twice during the banquet for a total of three sets of dress- the white wedding dress, and two colorful puffy night-gown dresses.
In the "traditional banquet," my favorite banquet food- lobster on top of sliced cabbage with mayonnaise on top- was always one of the first dishes. The groom would have to drink alcohol from the bride's shoes. Pandoh is traditionally taken place outdoors, under set-up tents.
In these "21st-century wedding" that take place in hotels and banquet halls, banquet menu is still dominated by seafood, but my favorite lobster dish is not present. I heard that these dishes are also different from the "traditional banquet."
Western influences on the "21st-century wedding":
1. Slide-show of the couple- their childhood to adulthood, and how the couple met.
2. Toast to all guests at the beginning of the banquet- although this toast is given by a professional wedding host, with a generic congratulations speech.
3. Bouquet tossing for single ladies
4. Instead of garter tossing, broccoli tossing for single men is the trend in Taiwan. I need to look up what broccoli means because none of my cousins knows.
5. Introduction of the wedding party, and the newlyweds. Because the wedding ceremony is not open to all guests, the "father-giving-away-the-daughter" gesture is performed at the banquet. The groom stands in the middle of the hall while the bride walks arm-in-arm with her father. Her father places her hands in the groom's hands, and said words (of wisdom?) to the groom before letting them go.
6. Chairs are decorated with those chair covers seen in the U.S.
7. "Wedding favors"- limited numbers of wedding favors are passed to guests who must "grab" them from the bride (and the groom). Not everyone gets one.
Similarities between the two:
1. Very red (and pink).
2. The groom, the bride, and their parents still have to walk to each table for toast.
3. The groom and the bride and their parents still have to stand by the door to say good-byes to guests, one-by-one, and give out candies.
4. Ten or more dishes are served. The first dish is always a cold dish, and the last dish is fruits.
5. The bride still needs to change at least twice during the banquet for a total of three sets of dress- the white wedding dress, and two colorful puffy night-gown dresses.
Thursday, October 6, 2011
Black dogs in Taiwan
Unlike the U.S., Taiwan has many wild/stray black dogs. Most dogs I have seen in the States are pets, but most dogs I have seen in Taiwan seem to be stray or wild dogs. I also wonder if Taiwanese people just don't have the habit of putting collars around the necks of their dogs.
During my interviews with various people this week, I learned that many Taiwanese valued male black dogs in the mid-20th century. In the winter, they would cook male black dogs and gather relatives, neighbors, and friends to have a small feast. My grandparents once had a beautiful male black dog that went missing. They eventually learned of its fate. My grandfather got mad at his friend for cooking his pet, but his friend responded, "Well, you also ate and enjoyed it!"
During my interviews with various people this week, I learned that many Taiwanese valued male black dogs in the mid-20th century. In the winter, they would cook male black dogs and gather relatives, neighbors, and friends to have a small feast. My grandparents once had a beautiful male black dog that went missing. They eventually learned of its fate. My grandfather got mad at his friend for cooking his pet, but his friend responded, "Well, you also ate and enjoyed it!"
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