The First Conference of East Asian Environmental History took place at Academia Sinica from October 24 to October 26, 2011. The conference committee invited Mark Elvin as one of the keynote speakers. Panels included Ph.D. students, researchers, and professors from across the globe. The conference was conducted in English. I got sick, and missed the third day.
It was an interesting conference. I listened to how environmental historians do history: with a focus on the impact of environment/landscape on history. The theme that emerged from the panels I attended was the relationship between the environment, animals, and humans. Some of them emphasized the equal role that environmental and human factors played in shaping history, without privileging the environment or human activity. For example, debates surrounding the success of the Chinese Communist Party and its eventual victory over the Chinese Nationalist Party (CCP) fluctuate bewteen two "extreme" interpretations: 1) Communists as sympathetic and helpful companions and/or Nationalists (KMT or GMD) as horrible rulers, or 2) the series of droughts and other natural disasters/climate change led to famine and other problems. Micah Muscolino from Georgetown University argues that it was both human factors (e.g. The Nationalist government flooded the Yellow River in 1938) and environment/climate factors (e.g. locust attacks and droughts) that led to famines and CCP's success.
Friday, October 28, 2011
Sunday, October 23, 2011
Corporate Capitalism vs. Individual Capitalism
Two women were chatting about their businesses on the bus. They were asking each other if they finished selling everything in their bags today. One said, "It's hard to make money. I don't make much. Some of my customers tell me to come sell in the market tomorrow, but I'm not going to. I'm too old now. I can't work that hard anymore. I'm just doing this for fun."
Most women selling vegetables and ready-to-eat foods in the "farmers/day market" (市場) are at least in their 60s, but probably more in their 70s, some are in their 80s. Men seem to range from in their 50s to 60s. Watching these women makes me wonder how long they have been working hard. They carry large bags of goodies, load them onto and off the bus to get to the market. Once off the bus, they carry them with quick and steady steps toward where they sell. I believe some continue to sell and work hard everyday for survival, but some do it "for fun."
Most of these women over the age of 70 had been working hard all their lives. They worked hard caring for their children and bringing money into the household. From my interviews conducted thus far, many of them had done various jobs to make money, including hand-washing other people's laundry, making tailored clothes for people, cleaning people's houses, nursing/breastfeeding other people's children. To be able to open a business of selling vegetable or ready-made-food was a big deal. it signals entrepreneurship in Taiwanese society. Taiwanese people considered running a business, no matter how small, to be a task that required creativity, smarts, and capital. This was in contrast to the "simplicity" of farming.
Jason pointed out, "Taiwan is a very capitalistic society." I had not thought about Taiwan in this way. The U.S. is capitalistic in terms of domination by corporate businesses, in contrast to Taiwan being dominated by small vendors. I asked him which system he prefers, or which one is a "better" capitalism. He did not made a decision. Because of the increasing income gap (refer to Gini coefficient) in the U.S., I prefer Taiwan's capitalism. But Taiwan's income gap is also increasing, and the country has become an import country. Without knowing much, I wonder if small vendors are struggling to just make a living as they compete with big vendors/businesses.
Will Taiwan's "individual capitalism" disappear and will "corporate capitalism" (supermarket chains) take over the fresh produce sector? If the sale of fresh produce in Taiwan is dominated by older female vendors, I wonder who will take their place after they are gone. In addition to this issue, the issue of farmers is also important. Farmers remaining in Taiwan today are of the older generation, mostly in their 60s and 70s. Once they are gone, who will grow foods for the Taiwanese? Will Taiwan become a complete import country? Farmers in Taiwan are also facing problems from the government who tries to buy their land for housing and other developments. Taiwan's farm land is decreasing in size too.
Most women selling vegetables and ready-to-eat foods in the "farmers/day market" (市場) are at least in their 60s, but probably more in their 70s, some are in their 80s. Men seem to range from in their 50s to 60s. Watching these women makes me wonder how long they have been working hard. They carry large bags of goodies, load them onto and off the bus to get to the market. Once off the bus, they carry them with quick and steady steps toward where they sell. I believe some continue to sell and work hard everyday for survival, but some do it "for fun."
Most of these women over the age of 70 had been working hard all their lives. They worked hard caring for their children and bringing money into the household. From my interviews conducted thus far, many of them had done various jobs to make money, including hand-washing other people's laundry, making tailored clothes for people, cleaning people's houses, nursing/breastfeeding other people's children. To be able to open a business of selling vegetable or ready-made-food was a big deal. it signals entrepreneurship in Taiwanese society. Taiwanese people considered running a business, no matter how small, to be a task that required creativity, smarts, and capital. This was in contrast to the "simplicity" of farming.
Jason pointed out, "Taiwan is a very capitalistic society." I had not thought about Taiwan in this way. The U.S. is capitalistic in terms of domination by corporate businesses, in contrast to Taiwan being dominated by small vendors. I asked him which system he prefers, or which one is a "better" capitalism. He did not made a decision. Because of the increasing income gap (refer to Gini coefficient) in the U.S., I prefer Taiwan's capitalism. But Taiwan's income gap is also increasing, and the country has become an import country. Without knowing much, I wonder if small vendors are struggling to just make a living as they compete with big vendors/businesses.
Will Taiwan's "individual capitalism" disappear and will "corporate capitalism" (supermarket chains) take over the fresh produce sector? If the sale of fresh produce in Taiwan is dominated by older female vendors, I wonder who will take their place after they are gone. In addition to this issue, the issue of farmers is also important. Farmers remaining in Taiwan today are of the older generation, mostly in their 60s and 70s. Once they are gone, who will grow foods for the Taiwanese? Will Taiwan become a complete import country? Farmers in Taiwan are also facing problems from the government who tries to buy their land for housing and other developments. Taiwan's farm land is decreasing in size too.
Saturday, October 22, 2011
Marriage and Life of Han Taiwanese and Plains Aborigines
Dr. Hung Li-wan, an expert in ethno-history of Qing-period Taiwan, gave a two-hour talk on the topic of marriage and daily life of Han Taiwanese and Plains Aborigines women from the late Qing to the Japanese period. As part of Academia Sinica's celebration of the 100th birthday of Republic of China, the presentation was an effort by the Institute of Taiwan History to explain sources/archives that the Institute holds, while making history interesting and relevant to people's lives today.
Dr. Hung examined the gap between laws/policies and practice. She also compared marriage practices between patrilineal Han society (漢人社會) and matrilineal Plains Aborigines society (平埔社會). One theme was that Han girls and women from the Qing to the Chinese Republican period were properties sold, resold, and bought because of widespread patrilineal ideas and poverty of immigrants. The other theme was Aborigines-Han cultural exchange. Dr. Hung provided examines of marriage and religious practices of one group influencing the other. She explained that as the majority, Han influence was stronger than Aborigines influence. Many of these "old" marriage practices still exist today.
Dr. Hung relied exclusively on contracts (文古書, 契約書) made for purchase of land and people, and money loaning. People often used red papers/cloths to make these contracts to symbolize the "happiness" that these contracts produced for the sellers, and not the "goods" that were sold.
The director of Institute of Taiwan History gave a linguistic example that reveals the multicultural characteristic of Taiwan:
Taiwanese Hoklo (福佬 vs. Hakka 客家) women refer to their husbands as "thau-ke" 頭家, which means "head of the household" while Taiwanese Hoklo men refer to their wives as "khan-chhiu" 牽手, which means "one who I hold hands with." The "thau-ke" term reflects the Han patrilineal influence of giving all authority and power to the men, while the "khan-chhiu" term reflects the practice by aborigines people who "show" the relationship of a married coupe by having the couple holding hands in public.
Dr. Hung examined the gap between laws/policies and practice. She also compared marriage practices between patrilineal Han society (漢人社會) and matrilineal Plains Aborigines society (平埔社會). One theme was that Han girls and women from the Qing to the Chinese Republican period were properties sold, resold, and bought because of widespread patrilineal ideas and poverty of immigrants. The other theme was Aborigines-Han cultural exchange. Dr. Hung provided examines of marriage and religious practices of one group influencing the other. She explained that as the majority, Han influence was stronger than Aborigines influence. Many of these "old" marriage practices still exist today.
Dr. Hung relied exclusively on contracts (文古書, 契約書) made for purchase of land and people, and money loaning. People often used red papers/cloths to make these contracts to symbolize the "happiness" that these contracts produced for the sellers, and not the "goods" that were sold.
The director of Institute of Taiwan History gave a linguistic example that reveals the multicultural characteristic of Taiwan:
Taiwanese Hoklo (福佬 vs. Hakka 客家) women refer to their husbands as "thau-ke" 頭家, which means "head of the household" while Taiwanese Hoklo men refer to their wives as "khan-chhiu" 牽手, which means "one who I hold hands with." The "thau-ke" term reflects the Han patrilineal influence of giving all authority and power to the men, while the "khan-chhiu" term reflects the practice by aborigines people who "show" the relationship of a married coupe by having the couple holding hands in public.
Seediq Bale Part 1
Movie website:
http://www.seediqbalethemovie.com/eng/aboutus.php
Seediq Bale, a top-grossing 2011 Taiwanese domestic film, is based on the Musha/Wushe Incident of 1930 (霧社事件). The movie was made from the perspective of Seediq, the Taiwanese aborigines group that lived in the Musha/Wushe area. This was a major event in the history of Japanese imperialism, especially colonial Taiwan. It was the most violent and shocking uprising since the Ta-pa-ni Incident in 1915 (西来庵事件). The Japanese colonial government believed it had pacified and "civilized" the most "barbaric" group in Taiwan. But the long-term oppression of these people led to an uprising, resulting in the killing of over one hundred Japanese men, women, and children who were present at elementary-school age children's athletic event (運動会). The Japanese colonial state responded to this uprising by killing over one thousand Seediq people. This incident led the colonial state to reconsider its policy toward Taiwanese aborigines.
Actors in the movie spoke mostly in the Seediq language. Japanese language was used by Japanese figures, and aborigines and Han people dealing with each other or Japanese people. These language uses follow the current trend of cultural sensitivity. The movie also seeks to restore voices for Taiwanese aborigines who were almost always silenced in Taiwanese society.
While making the movie from the perspective of the Seediq people was great, scant historical sources from Seediq perspective made one wonders how historically accurate the movie is. From my limited knowledge of the event, I understand that the Japanese colonial administration had trouble (or refused to?) piecing together the planning part of the uprising. The little to no written sources left by the Seediq made the historian's job difficult. What historians get is Japanese reaction to this uprising, and not much of the "authentic voice" of the Seediq. Some details of the execution of the uprising as portrayed in part 1 of the movie are historically "murky"- as in historians were not sure what actually happened.
Nevertheless, the movie is a must-see. Issues of assimilation, identity crises, colonial oppression and exploitation, and the colonizer's conception of "civilization" and "barbarism" are clearly illuminated in the film. These themes can also be found in the Han Taiwanese population, the Ryukyuans/Okinawans, the Koreans, and other colonized populations during this same time period. Some may argue that these are recurring themes in Taiwanese history, including the Manchu Qing period and the Chinese Nationalist period.
One minor criticism is the overwhelming focus on male Seediq. Because I missed the first 25 minutes of part 1 of the film and have not watched part 2, I cannot make a final judgment on the presence of women in the film. I look forward to seeing part 2, and re-watch part 1 on DVD.
http://www.seediqbalethemovie.com/eng/aboutus.php
Seediq Bale, a top-grossing 2011 Taiwanese domestic film, is based on the Musha/Wushe Incident of 1930 (霧社事件). The movie was made from the perspective of Seediq, the Taiwanese aborigines group that lived in the Musha/Wushe area. This was a major event in the history of Japanese imperialism, especially colonial Taiwan. It was the most violent and shocking uprising since the Ta-pa-ni Incident in 1915 (西来庵事件). The Japanese colonial government believed it had pacified and "civilized" the most "barbaric" group in Taiwan. But the long-term oppression of these people led to an uprising, resulting in the killing of over one hundred Japanese men, women, and children who were present at elementary-school age children's athletic event (運動会). The Japanese colonial state responded to this uprising by killing over one thousand Seediq people. This incident led the colonial state to reconsider its policy toward Taiwanese aborigines.
Actors in the movie spoke mostly in the Seediq language. Japanese language was used by Japanese figures, and aborigines and Han people dealing with each other or Japanese people. These language uses follow the current trend of cultural sensitivity. The movie also seeks to restore voices for Taiwanese aborigines who were almost always silenced in Taiwanese society.
While making the movie from the perspective of the Seediq people was great, scant historical sources from Seediq perspective made one wonders how historically accurate the movie is. From my limited knowledge of the event, I understand that the Japanese colonial administration had trouble (or refused to?) piecing together the planning part of the uprising. The little to no written sources left by the Seediq made the historian's job difficult. What historians get is Japanese reaction to this uprising, and not much of the "authentic voice" of the Seediq. Some details of the execution of the uprising as portrayed in part 1 of the movie are historically "murky"- as in historians were not sure what actually happened.
Nevertheless, the movie is a must-see. Issues of assimilation, identity crises, colonial oppression and exploitation, and the colonizer's conception of "civilization" and "barbarism" are clearly illuminated in the film. These themes can also be found in the Han Taiwanese population, the Ryukyuans/Okinawans, the Koreans, and other colonized populations during this same time period. Some may argue that these are recurring themes in Taiwanese history, including the Manchu Qing period and the Chinese Nationalist period.
One minor criticism is the overwhelming focus on male Seediq. Because I missed the first 25 minutes of part 1 of the film and have not watched part 2, I cannot make a final judgment on the presence of women in the film. I look forward to seeing part 2, and re-watch part 1 on DVD.
Tough Love, Lightning Speed, High-Tech Tools
I know to expect lots of love from one group of organisms while I am in Taiwan: mosquitoes. After my battles with mosquitoes in Japan and Taiwan last summer, I knew to come fully prepared this year. I packed insect repellent, pants-only and one skirt (instead of mostly skirts for the hot humid weather), long-sleeved button-up shirts, and two bottles of salve with me to Taiwan. Without sufficient knowledge of how to use insect repellent, I decided not to use it after trying it once. These tiny insects can always find me, and choose me over people around me, including Jason. They can find me whether I am indoors or outdoors. Every time I go out, I put on long-sleeved shirt, wear pants, put on socks if my shoes do not fully cover my feet, and bring a bottle of salve with me just in case.
My strategy works well most of the time. I have gotten less love from them this year, especially compare to last year. But I still get a lot more marks of love on my arms and legs than people around me. In fact, no one else seems to receive any marks. I begin to wonder the shape, the movement, and the physical structure of these insects. Here are two main examples as to why I begin to think they fly with lightning speed and eat with the most high-tech tools possible:
I was interviewing someone in her house. The interviewee, her husband, my grandmother, and my aunt were also present. Without seeing or hearing the presence of these tiny creatures, I felt intense itch-pain on my left forehead and temple area. From my experience last summer, I knew that my forehead and the top of my feet can fall victim to these creatures' crazy love. Nevertheless, since my defensive strategy and the cooler weather had defended me from their attacks, I did not expect them to find my bony (and bloodless) forehead/temple area to be their feeding site. No one else in the room got this type of love.
I was waiting for a bus today. My hair covered my neck and back, my pants and socks covered my legs and feet, my long-sleeve shirt covered my arms, and my glasses and face mask (from smog) covered most of my face. After waiting for more than five minutes, I felt an intense itch/pain around my left ankle. I looked down and saw a swarm of mosquitoes around my ankle. My socks and pants were thicker than usual today. I did not think these creatures could have succeeded. I rolled up my pants and pulled down my socks to look at that area, and saw nothing. I touched the area to smooth the itch/pain. I began to pace around the people-less bus stop. By passers stared at me with puzzled eyes. I also shook/moved my hands because they were not covered at all. By the time the bus arrived, and I sat down to examine the area again, two big marks appeared around my left ankle.
Previously when I got bitten around my covered ankles, I had thought that these mosquitoes somehow found ways into my pants. But today's experience taught me that these creatures could and would eat no matter what layers of clothing were in front of them. Before I received the two big marks, I happened to see one mosquito on my left thigh. I immediately waved it away. But I did not notice the swarm of mosquitoes around my ankle until it was too late.
My strategy works well most of the time. I have gotten less love from them this year, especially compare to last year. But I still get a lot more marks of love on my arms and legs than people around me. In fact, no one else seems to receive any marks. I begin to wonder the shape, the movement, and the physical structure of these insects. Here are two main examples as to why I begin to think they fly with lightning speed and eat with the most high-tech tools possible:
I was interviewing someone in her house. The interviewee, her husband, my grandmother, and my aunt were also present. Without seeing or hearing the presence of these tiny creatures, I felt intense itch-pain on my left forehead and temple area. From my experience last summer, I knew that my forehead and the top of my feet can fall victim to these creatures' crazy love. Nevertheless, since my defensive strategy and the cooler weather had defended me from their attacks, I did not expect them to find my bony (and bloodless) forehead/temple area to be their feeding site. No one else in the room got this type of love.
I was waiting for a bus today. My hair covered my neck and back, my pants and socks covered my legs and feet, my long-sleeve shirt covered my arms, and my glasses and face mask (from smog) covered most of my face. After waiting for more than five minutes, I felt an intense itch/pain around my left ankle. I looked down and saw a swarm of mosquitoes around my ankle. My socks and pants were thicker than usual today. I did not think these creatures could have succeeded. I rolled up my pants and pulled down my socks to look at that area, and saw nothing. I touched the area to smooth the itch/pain. I began to pace around the people-less bus stop. By passers stared at me with puzzled eyes. I also shook/moved my hands because they were not covered at all. By the time the bus arrived, and I sat down to examine the area again, two big marks appeared around my left ankle.
Previously when I got bitten around my covered ankles, I had thought that these mosquitoes somehow found ways into my pants. But today's experience taught me that these creatures could and would eat no matter what layers of clothing were in front of them. Before I received the two big marks, I happened to see one mosquito on my left thigh. I immediately waved it away. But I did not notice the swarm of mosquitoes around my ankle until it was too late.
Thursday, October 20, 2011
Birthday Wishes Across the World
I enjoyed receiving birthday wishes via Facebook this year because these messages not only contained warm wishes, but they came in different languages and from different countries: English, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Taiwanese hoklo in pe-oe-ji, German, and Spanish (Jason used Spanish after I told him about the different languages) in Taiwan, Japan, China, the U.S., Canada, Indonesia, Russia, India, and Romania. How cool!
Names of Roads in Taiwan
Roads in Taiwan, like many other countries in the world, contain political and historical interpretations. Many major roads are named using Confucian morals (such as loyalty 忠孝 and honor 信義), names of Chinese cities and places in Mainland China (such as Nanjing 南京, Hangzhou 杭州, and Xuzhou 徐州), and names of "great men" found in Sun Yat-sen 中山, Chiang Kai-shek 中正, and (Franklin D.) Roosevelt 羅斯福路.
Many street names in the U.S. are named after presidents. I wonder what the names of these streets were before the arrival of the Chinese Nationalist Party in Taiwan.
Many street names in the U.S. are named after presidents. I wonder what the names of these streets were before the arrival of the Chinese Nationalist Party in Taiwan.
Chiang Kai-shek's big and Chiang Ching-kuo's small Mausoleums
Outside of Chiang Kai-shek's mausoleum, various sizes and designs of busts and statues of Chiang Kai-shek are spread throughout the entire Jiaobanshan International Sculpture Park in Cihu, Taoyuan, Taiwan. The park gave me an eery feeling. The busts came from various elementary schools in Taiwan while the statues were designed by Wu Hsuan-San and other artists. I heard that these busts of Chiang Kai-shek were removed from elementary schools during Chen Shui-bian's presidency, a Democratic Progressive Party president. Before the 1990s, Chiang Kai-shek was championed as "the savior of our (the Chinese) nation," (民族的英雄) but the central government labeled him "sinner of history" (歷史的罪人) during Chen Shui-bian's presidency.
The presence of Chiang Kai-shek bust in many (every?) elementary schools across Taiwan for many decades reveals the extent of Chiang Kai-shek's authority and power in Taiwan. Elementary-school children not only learned about him from textbook, but also saw his bust (and/or portrait) on school grounds.
Having the huge Chiang Kai-shek Memorial is not enough, but that a large land, including the Cihu Lake in Taoyuan, is also dedicated to be part of his "graveyard." This is the extent of Chiang's continuous impact in Taiwan, even after his death. Some people idolize him as god-like, while some hate him as an authoritarian dictator today.
I listened to the interpretations of the two mausoleums that my uncle and aunt discussed amongst themselves. They interpreted Chiang Ching-kuo's relatively small mausoleum as a sign of his "thrifty and humble personality." They saw Chiang Kai-shek's enormous mausoleum as a sign of and a dedication to his "accomplishments and contribution for the (Chinese) nation."
The equivalent of these mausoleums in the U.S. would be the Washington Monument, Lincoln Memorial, Jefferson Memorial, and many other buildings dedicated to previous presidents.
The presence of Chiang Kai-shek bust in many (every?) elementary schools across Taiwan for many decades reveals the extent of Chiang Kai-shek's authority and power in Taiwan. Elementary-school children not only learned about him from textbook, but also saw his bust (and/or portrait) on school grounds.
Having the huge Chiang Kai-shek Memorial is not enough, but that a large land, including the Cihu Lake in Taoyuan, is also dedicated to be part of his "graveyard." This is the extent of Chiang's continuous impact in Taiwan, even after his death. Some people idolize him as god-like, while some hate him as an authoritarian dictator today.
I listened to the interpretations of the two mausoleums that my uncle and aunt discussed amongst themselves. They interpreted Chiang Ching-kuo's relatively small mausoleum as a sign of his "thrifty and humble personality." They saw Chiang Kai-shek's enormous mausoleum as a sign of and a dedication to his "accomplishments and contribution for the (Chinese) nation."
The equivalent of these mausoleums in the U.S. would be the Washington Monument, Lincoln Memorial, Jefferson Memorial, and many other buildings dedicated to previous presidents.
Monday, October 17, 2011
Diary of Lin Hsien-tang Reading Group
I began my first session at the Diary of Lin Hsien-tang (林獻堂) <灌園先生日記> Reading Group today. Lin Hsien-tang is one of the most famous Taiwanese figures during the Japanese period for his role in advocating for self-rule and founded the Taiwan Cultural Association 台灣文化協會.
It was awkward not knowing anyone in the reading group. The group assigns Ph.D. students one entry from the dairy to present on. The presenter has to cover three areas: grammar/spelling, plain/vernacular translation (白話), and historical background of persons, place names, and other proper nouns. Each entry is read out loud by one member. The reading out-loud part makes me realize that I do not know the pronunciation of some words, although I know the meaning of most of them. The teachers in the group make sure that each area in the presentation is covered completely and accurately, and raise discussion questions on certain topics.
I think this exercise will help me in learning more about Japanese-colonized Taiwan through an elite perspective, learning how to read historical sources, and improving my Chinese reading proficiency. I am going to wait to see when I will feel comfortable enough to volunteer to present on one entry. Some entries are much easier than others. I am mostly scared of the grammar/spelling part, because I do not have the language proficiency to find missing words, misspelled words, and incorrect punctuation marks.
I need to work on my Mandarin speaking skills though... My Taiwanese hoklo proficiency is smoother than Mandarin at this point.
It was awkward not knowing anyone in the reading group. The group assigns Ph.D. students one entry from the dairy to present on. The presenter has to cover three areas: grammar/spelling, plain/vernacular translation (白話), and historical background of persons, place names, and other proper nouns. Each entry is read out loud by one member. The reading out-loud part makes me realize that I do not know the pronunciation of some words, although I know the meaning of most of them. The teachers in the group make sure that each area in the presentation is covered completely and accurately, and raise discussion questions on certain topics.
I think this exercise will help me in learning more about Japanese-colonized Taiwan through an elite perspective, learning how to read historical sources, and improving my Chinese reading proficiency. I am going to wait to see when I will feel comfortable enough to volunteer to present on one entry. Some entries are much easier than others. I am mostly scared of the grammar/spelling part, because I do not have the language proficiency to find missing words, misspelled words, and incorrect punctuation marks.
I need to work on my Mandarin speaking skills though... My Taiwanese hoklo proficiency is smoother than Mandarin at this point.
Occupy 101
Several media I watched on television did not give good coverage of the event on October 15, 2011. A couple of hundreds of people gathered around Taipei 101 and voiced their dissatisfaction with the current situation. The media used the word "chaos" (亂) to describe the event. The media showed a mocking tone when it reported that although close to 7,000 people liked the event on Facebook, only a few hundreds showed up. The media also said that the police was filming every protester's face because the businesses in the Taipei 101 building claimed that they will sue the protesters for hurting their business.
The interviews that the media conducted gave a negative light to the event. One visitor to Taipei 101 said, "If the businesses are pulling down their metal doors, it must mean that the protesters are doing something wrong to make the businesses react this way. [The protesters] should reflect on their actions." Besides this visitor, the only other voiced we heard in the media was a foreign tourist who said, "I think it's interesting, but I didn't think it would be here." Both interviews expressed negative reactions to the protesters. One foreign protester (with American accent) said that he participated in Occupy 101 to show solidarity with his friends in Occupy Wall Street. While I did not see all media coverage on this event, I get the sense that many Taiwanese media do not like protest or demonstrations in any form that take place in Taiwan. I saw one channel that reported on Occupy Wall Street in a positive light, while what was going on in Cairo as "riot."
The interviews that the media conducted gave a negative light to the event. One visitor to Taipei 101 said, "If the businesses are pulling down their metal doors, it must mean that the protesters are doing something wrong to make the businesses react this way. [The protesters] should reflect on their actions." Besides this visitor, the only other voiced we heard in the media was a foreign tourist who said, "I think it's interesting, but I didn't think it would be here." Both interviews expressed negative reactions to the protesters. One foreign protester (with American accent) said that he participated in Occupy 101 to show solidarity with his friends in Occupy Wall Street. While I did not see all media coverage on this event, I get the sense that many Taiwanese media do not like protest or demonstrations in any form that take place in Taiwan. I saw one channel that reported on Occupy Wall Street in a positive light, while what was going on in Cairo as "riot."
Tuesday, October 11, 2011
Translators in Japanese-colonized Taiwan
Professor Yang Cheng-Shu's talk (楊承淑, 輔仁大學跨文化研究所教授) on Taiwanese and Japanese translators from the Japanese-colonized period in Taiwan (1895-1945) that took place at the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica today sought to introduce the significance of translators in Japanese-colonized Taiwanese society. Professor Yang took upon Anthony Pym's call to center translators in writing and understanding history (Method in Translation History, 1998). Her work focused on key translators for the famous Taiwanese leader, Lin Hsien-tang 林獻堂, and three Japanese people who stayed in Taiwan for some time who wrote about Taiwanese culture and society.
As a linguist, Professor Yang received many questions on and criticisms for providing descriptions of these translators, and no analysis of the act of and the content of their translations in influencing Taiwanese society or the colonizer-colonized power relations. A member of the audience brought up Lydia Liu's concept of translingual practice for Professor Yang to think about.
In sum, the concept introduced at this talk was not new to me because I am familiar with Lydia Liu, Douglas Holland, and other works on Chinese and Japanese translations of Western concepts from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Scholars of China and of Japan have worked on how translations provided a window to the political, social, and cultural environments of China and Japan. It is time that scholars of Taiwan do the same for Taiwan.
Although the main concept was not new, what was new to me was learning about how a local elite communicated with the colonial government and other Japanese elites, and how the colonial government and the Japanese interacted with the local populations through translators. This group of translators were proficient in both Japanese and (likely) Taiwanese hoklo. This cultural "interaction" that was induced by Japanese education has given me something to think about during my research.
As a linguist, Professor Yang received many questions on and criticisms for providing descriptions of these translators, and no analysis of the act of and the content of their translations in influencing Taiwanese society or the colonizer-colonized power relations. A member of the audience brought up Lydia Liu's concept of translingual practice for Professor Yang to think about.
In sum, the concept introduced at this talk was not new to me because I am familiar with Lydia Liu, Douglas Holland, and other works on Chinese and Japanese translations of Western concepts from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Scholars of China and of Japan have worked on how translations provided a window to the political, social, and cultural environments of China and Japan. It is time that scholars of Taiwan do the same for Taiwan.
Although the main concept was not new, what was new to me was learning about how a local elite communicated with the colonial government and other Japanese elites, and how the colonial government and the Japanese interacted with the local populations through translators. This group of translators were proficient in both Japanese and (likely) Taiwanese hoklo. This cultural "interaction" that was induced by Japanese education has given me something to think about during my research.
Fort Santo Domingo
When I first learned Taiwanese history on my own in college, I learned about Fort Santo Domingo in Tamsui as a Spanish fort in the early seventeenth century. With today's visit, I learned that the fort was used as a British consulate office since the Second Opium War (or called the Arrow War, 1856-1860), when the Manchu Qing government designated Tamsui as a treaty port, until 1971/1972. The fort was reconstructed in the late nineteenth century. It was built in a strategic place, with the view of the mouth of Tamsui River.
Tamsui's treaty-port status made possible George Leslie Mackay, a Canadian missionary, in establishing one of the first girls' schools in Taiwan, Tamsui. He married Tiuⁿ Chhang-miâ 張聰明, a Taiwanese woman. Today, the town of Tamsui has his bust statue near the Tamsui Old Street, a famous tourist place.
Today, Fort Santo Domingo has become a museum of Tamsui's history. Through the history of Tamsui, one gets a sense of Taiwan as a strategic place for European and Asian powers to compete for economic interests: Spanish, Dutch, Chinese, French, British, and Japanese. With the historical narrative at Tamsui Museum and the question/advice of one of my qualifying exam committee members, I am thinking harder on how to talk about and think about Taiwan as an important island that tells a wonderful transnational history. Because of Taiwan's history and immigration patterns, Taiwan is a bridge between East Asia, the Pacific islands, and Southeast Asia. Can I, will I, find a way to discuss Taiwan as a bridge, as a transnational place?
Tamsui's treaty-port status made possible George Leslie Mackay, a Canadian missionary, in establishing one of the first girls' schools in Taiwan, Tamsui. He married Tiuⁿ Chhang-miâ 張聰明, a Taiwanese woman. Today, the town of Tamsui has his bust statue near the Tamsui Old Street, a famous tourist place.
Today, Fort Santo Domingo has become a museum of Tamsui's history. Through the history of Tamsui, one gets a sense of Taiwan as a strategic place for European and Asian powers to compete for economic interests: Spanish, Dutch, Chinese, French, British, and Japanese. With the historical narrative at Tamsui Museum and the question/advice of one of my qualifying exam committee members, I am thinking harder on how to talk about and think about Taiwan as an important island that tells a wonderful transnational history. Because of Taiwan's history and immigration patterns, Taiwan is a bridge between East Asia, the Pacific islands, and Southeast Asia. Can I, will I, find a way to discuss Taiwan as a bridge, as a transnational place?
Reflection on First-round interviews
My research in Taiwan began within a few days after my arrival in Taiwan. My grandmother (Ah-ma in Taiwanese hoklo) took me to visit her classmates, relatives, and former neighbors in the Taipei area. Being the nice and enthusiastic person she always is, she wanted to make sure that she introduced me or "confirmed my relationship with her" before her return to the U.S. For three days straight, the almost-eighty-two-year-old A-ma took train and bus with me from morning to evening, traveling around the Taipei area. We visited her older sister, 96-year-old great-grandaunt, sister-in-law, former neighbors, and classmate.
The great part about traveling with her was that she reaffirmed or introduced my relationship to her. This enabled the interviewees to accept my presence. Ah-ma also persuaded everyone that "it was okay" to let me interview them and record the interview, and to allow me to use/cite the interview for my dissertation. Interviewees were more open and more at ease because Ah-ma was there with me. I also noticed that interviewees told me more stories and details as part of their conversation with Ah-ma. They often did not pay attention to me. Instead, it was a conversation that I listened to.
This "conversation-like" interview was also the less-good part about traveling with Ah-ma. In trying to be helpful, Ah-ma often repeated certain explanations that the interviewee had already provided. Sometimes Ah-ma explained terms that I already knew (according to her assumption of my level of Taiwanese hoklo). These "commentaries" made my recordings unusable for archival storage. There were also many off-topic "conversations" that made my interviews choppy.
On the second day of the interviews, I thought about setting some ground rules with Ah-ma. But I felt bad because we had conducted interviews a certain way, and I did not want to make her feel that I was ungrateful. She was also using the opportunity to visit people she had not seen in nearly 20 years.
The only interview without Ah-ma's presence was at my cousin's wedding. It was a remarkable interview because the interviewee, the grandmother of my cousin's bride, remembered a lot from her educational experiences, and was using mostly Japanese with me. The unfortunate part was that the wedding music, conversation, and other sounds overwhelmed the recording, and her voice was barely audible. I did not obtain her contact information because I plan to ask my aunt to connect me with this grandmother.
Nevertheless, these are great "pre-interviews." I have a general idea as to who the great interviewees were, and who were best suitable for which topics if I were to conduct follow-up interviews. I have established contact with these people, and obtained their contact information. I need to obtain textual and image documents before I conduct more interviews. I can interview more people by asking my relatives and friends to introduce me to their grandparents and friends.
The great part about traveling with her was that she reaffirmed or introduced my relationship to her. This enabled the interviewees to accept my presence. Ah-ma also persuaded everyone that "it was okay" to let me interview them and record the interview, and to allow me to use/cite the interview for my dissertation. Interviewees were more open and more at ease because Ah-ma was there with me. I also noticed that interviewees told me more stories and details as part of their conversation with Ah-ma. They often did not pay attention to me. Instead, it was a conversation that I listened to.
This "conversation-like" interview was also the less-good part about traveling with Ah-ma. In trying to be helpful, Ah-ma often repeated certain explanations that the interviewee had already provided. Sometimes Ah-ma explained terms that I already knew (according to her assumption of my level of Taiwanese hoklo). These "commentaries" made my recordings unusable for archival storage. There were also many off-topic "conversations" that made my interviews choppy.
On the second day of the interviews, I thought about setting some ground rules with Ah-ma. But I felt bad because we had conducted interviews a certain way, and I did not want to make her feel that I was ungrateful. She was also using the opportunity to visit people she had not seen in nearly 20 years.
The only interview without Ah-ma's presence was at my cousin's wedding. It was a remarkable interview because the interviewee, the grandmother of my cousin's bride, remembered a lot from her educational experiences, and was using mostly Japanese with me. The unfortunate part was that the wedding music, conversation, and other sounds overwhelmed the recording, and her voice was barely audible. I did not obtain her contact information because I plan to ask my aunt to connect me with this grandmother.
Nevertheless, these are great "pre-interviews." I have a general idea as to who the great interviewees were, and who were best suitable for which topics if I were to conduct follow-up interviews. I have established contact with these people, and obtained their contact information. I need to obtain textual and image documents before I conduct more interviews. I can interview more people by asking my relatives and friends to introduce me to their grandparents and friends.
Saturday, October 8, 2011
"Traditional Taiwanese Wedding" vs. "21st-century Taiwanese wedding
I was excited to attend two cousins' wedding banquets today, one for lunch (dad's side of cousin), and one for dinner (mom's side of cousin). Both diverged from the "traditional wedding banquet" (pandoh in pei-oe-ji Taiwanese hoklo) that I remember from childhood. Elements of "Western" influences were prominent.
In the "traditional banquet," my favorite banquet food- lobster on top of sliced cabbage with mayonnaise on top- was always one of the first dishes. The groom would have to drink alcohol from the bride's shoes. Pandoh is traditionally taken place outdoors, under set-up tents.
In these "21st-century wedding" that take place in hotels and banquet halls, banquet menu is still dominated by seafood, but my favorite lobster dish is not present. I heard that these dishes are also different from the "traditional banquet."
Western influences on the "21st-century wedding":
1. Slide-show of the couple- their childhood to adulthood, and how the couple met.
2. Toast to all guests at the beginning of the banquet- although this toast is given by a professional wedding host, with a generic congratulations speech.
3. Bouquet tossing for single ladies
4. Instead of garter tossing, broccoli tossing for single men is the trend in Taiwan. I need to look up what broccoli means because none of my cousins knows.
5. Introduction of the wedding party, and the newlyweds. Because the wedding ceremony is not open to all guests, the "father-giving-away-the-daughter" gesture is performed at the banquet. The groom stands in the middle of the hall while the bride walks arm-in-arm with her father. Her father places her hands in the groom's hands, and said words (of wisdom?) to the groom before letting them go.
6. Chairs are decorated with those chair covers seen in the U.S.
7. "Wedding favors"- limited numbers of wedding favors are passed to guests who must "grab" them from the bride (and the groom). Not everyone gets one.
Similarities between the two:
1. Very red (and pink).
2. The groom, the bride, and their parents still have to walk to each table for toast.
3. The groom and the bride and their parents still have to stand by the door to say good-byes to guests, one-by-one, and give out candies.
4. Ten or more dishes are served. The first dish is always a cold dish, and the last dish is fruits.
5. The bride still needs to change at least twice during the banquet for a total of three sets of dress- the white wedding dress, and two colorful puffy night-gown dresses.
In the "traditional banquet," my favorite banquet food- lobster on top of sliced cabbage with mayonnaise on top- was always one of the first dishes. The groom would have to drink alcohol from the bride's shoes. Pandoh is traditionally taken place outdoors, under set-up tents.
In these "21st-century wedding" that take place in hotels and banquet halls, banquet menu is still dominated by seafood, but my favorite lobster dish is not present. I heard that these dishes are also different from the "traditional banquet."
Western influences on the "21st-century wedding":
1. Slide-show of the couple- their childhood to adulthood, and how the couple met.
2. Toast to all guests at the beginning of the banquet- although this toast is given by a professional wedding host, with a generic congratulations speech.
3. Bouquet tossing for single ladies
4. Instead of garter tossing, broccoli tossing for single men is the trend in Taiwan. I need to look up what broccoli means because none of my cousins knows.
5. Introduction of the wedding party, and the newlyweds. Because the wedding ceremony is not open to all guests, the "father-giving-away-the-daughter" gesture is performed at the banquet. The groom stands in the middle of the hall while the bride walks arm-in-arm with her father. Her father places her hands in the groom's hands, and said words (of wisdom?) to the groom before letting them go.
6. Chairs are decorated with those chair covers seen in the U.S.
7. "Wedding favors"- limited numbers of wedding favors are passed to guests who must "grab" them from the bride (and the groom). Not everyone gets one.
Similarities between the two:
1. Very red (and pink).
2. The groom, the bride, and their parents still have to walk to each table for toast.
3. The groom and the bride and their parents still have to stand by the door to say good-byes to guests, one-by-one, and give out candies.
4. Ten or more dishes are served. The first dish is always a cold dish, and the last dish is fruits.
5. The bride still needs to change at least twice during the banquet for a total of three sets of dress- the white wedding dress, and two colorful puffy night-gown dresses.
Thursday, October 6, 2011
Black dogs in Taiwan
Unlike the U.S., Taiwan has many wild/stray black dogs. Most dogs I have seen in the States are pets, but most dogs I have seen in Taiwan seem to be stray or wild dogs. I also wonder if Taiwanese people just don't have the habit of putting collars around the necks of their dogs.
During my interviews with various people this week, I learned that many Taiwanese valued male black dogs in the mid-20th century. In the winter, they would cook male black dogs and gather relatives, neighbors, and friends to have a small feast. My grandparents once had a beautiful male black dog that went missing. They eventually learned of its fate. My grandfather got mad at his friend for cooking his pet, but his friend responded, "Well, you also ate and enjoyed it!"
During my interviews with various people this week, I learned that many Taiwanese valued male black dogs in the mid-20th century. In the winter, they would cook male black dogs and gather relatives, neighbors, and friends to have a small feast. My grandparents once had a beautiful male black dog that went missing. They eventually learned of its fate. My grandfather got mad at his friend for cooking his pet, but his friend responded, "Well, you also ate and enjoyed it!"
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