I finished one presentation, and have two more presentations to do in Taiwan before my big presentation at the annual conference for Association for Asian Studies (AAS) in Toronto, Canada, in mid-March 2012.
This past Tuesday, I gave a presentation (in Chinese for the first time in my life) at the seminar on "Modern Education in Taiwan (Japanese colonial period, 1895-1945)" that I am auditing in National Taiwan Normal University 師範大學. I read a memoir in Japanese by a Taiwanese woman, Wu Yue-e 吳月娥 born in 1921. The presentation topic was to discuss the educational experience of a Taiwanese person who received education during the Japanese colonial period. It was not easy to locate a woman's memoir, as more men received education than women. Because highly educated people are more likely to write memoirs or have their stories written down in the form of oral history or biography, it was even harder to find women's memoirs and oral histories because more men are highly educated than women. I chose to present on a woman's memoir because it is relevant to my research topic. Also, I saw how a woman's memoir addresses different issues from that of men's. For example, Wu Yue-e discussed her limited relationship with men, and criticized love suicide and premarital sex in contemporary society. She also had a lengthy discussion of the prominent problem of child-brides (童養媳, 養女) in "traditional" Taiwan by narrating the case of her younger sister and her future sister-in-law.
I have a do a research-in-progress report for the seminar I am auditing on January 3. The professor notified the whole class (including me) on Tuesday that she has allocated two hours of class time for me- I am assuming one hour of talk, and one hour of Q&A. I am getting nervous... I also have to do a presentation for the Fulbright office in Taiwan: 10-minute talk, and 5-minute Q&A. It will take place during a three-day conference at Xitou 溪頭 in Nantou county 南投 right after the presidential election in Taiwan (January 14) from January 16 to 18. I am getting excited to meet other Fulbrighters because I haven't met any! I know most of them are Fulbright IIE fellows (including student researchers and English teachers), and I am the only one of my kind in Taiwan this year.
I need to work on a draft of my AAS conference paper after these presentations. The AAS conference attendees do not expect a progress report, but a paper with clear argument and structure of my research for an academic audience.
Thursday, December 22, 2011
Taiwan's Colorful Media
Media in Taiwan are color-coded. The so-called pro-China faction led by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is blue, and the pro-Taiwan faction led by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is green. Most television companies in Taiwan are blue, two are green; one out of the five major newspapers is green, the rest are blue. Various surveys conducted by various television companies and newspapers have tried to provide a sense of the level of support of each presidential candidate. The problem remains that all of them are too biased. Blue-leaning companies show the KMT candidate leading, although the margins are smaller the green-leaning companies tend to show the DPP candidate leading the race. It is hard to find colorless media in Taiwan. It is no exaggeration to say it is impossible to find any trustworthy political survey.
Surveys of similar kinds conducted in the U.S. do not have big biases like the ones in Taiwan because survey results don't usually have opposite results, big gaps like the ones in Taiwan.
The only news media that is close to being fair is Taiwan's version of PBS, Taiwan Public Television Service (TPTS) 公視. The best program it has is at 7pm, "Let's Talk" (有話好說), a roundtable discussing various social, economic, and cultural problems in contemporary Taiwan. The program invites government officials, scholars, business leaders, and activists depending on the topic of the day. It seeks to discuss existing problems and asks experts to provide solution for a better Taiwan.
Almost everyone in Taiwan is color-coded also. There are independent voters, or people who lean slightly to one side, but most people hold onto their political parties fairly strongly in Taiwan. You can always guess which side they are on by how they evaluate government officials and politicians.
Surveys of similar kinds conducted in the U.S. do not have big biases like the ones in Taiwan because survey results don't usually have opposite results, big gaps like the ones in Taiwan.
The only news media that is close to being fair is Taiwan's version of PBS, Taiwan Public Television Service (TPTS) 公視. The best program it has is at 7pm, "Let's Talk" (有話好說), a roundtable discussing various social, economic, and cultural problems in contemporary Taiwan. The program invites government officials, scholars, business leaders, and activists depending on the topic of the day. It seeks to discuss existing problems and asks experts to provide solution for a better Taiwan.
Almost everyone in Taiwan is color-coded also. There are independent voters, or people who lean slightly to one side, but most people hold onto their political parties fairly strongly in Taiwan. You can always guess which side they are on by how they evaluate government officials and politicians.
Dogs on Motorcycle
The most interesting thing I have seen so far is dogs riding on motorcycles. Both cases involved dogs sitting on the footstep area of the motorcycle. The first case was a big dog riding on a moving motorcycle. His legs were dangling down, almost touching the ground as the motorcycle moved. It is difficult to hold a camera all the time to capture candid shots as I see them. His cute puppy eyes looked forward... The second case was a smaller dog who just got onto its sitting area, ready for take-off. With a smaller body, it was trying to stand steadily on the footstep area. I wonder if it learned how to stand without holding onto any bar like bus and train riders in Taipei. Too bad I can't be holding my camera all the time to capture these dog motocycle riders.
Perhaps there were just as many dogs as pets when I was a little child in Taiwan, but the types of dogs have changed. I see more small dogs than big ones around Taipei. People walk their dogs. Some dogs are dressed up in T-shirts. I see many dog poops on the street. It makes me wonder if the city government should put up a sign telling everyone to pick up after themselves.
On days that don't rain, I see many bigger dogs in the mountains where my bus to Academia Sinica passes by. Black, white, and light brown. I saw one small dog once. Hung Li-rung, a doctoral student at the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica, conducts her research on zoo in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period. She told me that we see more bigger dogs in the mountains because smaller ones cannot compete with bigger ones. She claimed that many people abandon their dogs on the mountains once they decide not to have the pets anymore, because of the Buddhist idea of "fangsheng" 放生 (release to its own livelihood). She advocated pet adoption to avoid problems like this.
Perhaps there were just as many dogs as pets when I was a little child in Taiwan, but the types of dogs have changed. I see more small dogs than big ones around Taipei. People walk their dogs. Some dogs are dressed up in T-shirts. I see many dog poops on the street. It makes me wonder if the city government should put up a sign telling everyone to pick up after themselves.
On days that don't rain, I see many bigger dogs in the mountains where my bus to Academia Sinica passes by. Black, white, and light brown. I saw one small dog once. Hung Li-rung, a doctoral student at the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica, conducts her research on zoo in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period. She told me that we see more bigger dogs in the mountains because smaller ones cannot compete with bigger ones. She claimed that many people abandon their dogs on the mountains once they decide not to have the pets anymore, because of the Buddhist idea of "fangsheng" 放生 (release to its own livelihood). She advocated pet adoption to avoid problems like this.
Sunday, December 4, 2011
First Presidential Debate, Taiwan Election 2012
The debate took place yesterday, December 3, from 2pm to 4:30pm. Candidates were positioned by their numbers: Ma Ying-jeou from Chinese Nationalist Party KMT (coded: blue) and the incumbent, Tsai Ing-wen from Democratic Progressive Party DPP (green), and James Soong from People First Party PFP (orange, but considers to be in the Blue Camp)). Each candidate gave an introduction. They then answered two rounds of questions from five major newspapers: Central News Agency 中央社, Apple Daily 蘋果日報 (Hong Kong-based company that is anti-communist and pro-liberalism), United Daily 聯合報 (leans toward the Blue Camp), Liberty Times 自由時報 (leans toward the Green Camp), and China Times 中國時報 (leans toward the Blue Camp). Each candidate then has the opportunity to pose two rounds of questions for their opponents. The debate ended with an eight-minute conclusion from each candidate.
All candidates avoided answering directly some questions that would hurt their candidacy. E.g., to pardon or not Chen Shui-bian (see more below) (explicitly directed at Tsai), to state "no independence" (explicitly directed at Tsai), or to explain his relationship with a major gangster boss (implicitly directed at Ma). Ma was mainly attacking Tsai, Tsai was defending herself while outlining her broad vision, and Soong praised Ma's China-Taiwan economic relations agreement, Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) but agreed with many of Tsai's criticisms of Ma's presidency. Both Ma and Tsai agreed with many things that Soong said. Soong has the least baggage out of the three candidates: Ma has the baggage of the incumbent, Tsai has the baggage of Chen Shui-bian, but Soong has the excellent reputation as the last governor of Taiwan. I have these ratings for these candidates' performance: Soong #1, Tsai #2, and Ma #3. Everyone knows my political stance, thus read my explanation below.
My analysis of each candidate:
Ma Ying-jeou (KMT) had the weakest performance.
- Body language--- His body was not positioned well. He constantly leaned toward one side, instead of toward the center to face the audience/television. His pace was fast, and gave off a rushed feel, as if he was panicking. His tone toward Tsai Ing-wen often lacked respect and courtesy, as he used a light, almost joking-tone with her.
- Strategy--- 1) Ma's introduction began by viciously attacking Tsai Ing-wen, his biggest opponent. He tried to equate Tsai Ing-wen with Chen Shui-bian (two-term president from DPP, 2000-2008), who has been in imprison and has been consistently indicted of corruption charges since his term ended in 2008. He also equated DPP with Chen Shui-bian. As a whole, Taiwanese people had become sour with Chen Shui-bian and people associated with him because of these indictments. (Note: These indictments are politically-motivated, if we put aside the fact that some are true. The judicial procedures surrounding his imprisonment and indictment have received international attention because of unfair and unjust practices). 2) Ma cited numbers to support his claim that Taiwan had become richer (average income) and more internationally known (Taipei just won the bid to host the 2017 Summer World University Game) under his presidency.
- Content--- 1) Ma apologized for failing to fulfill the 633 plan 「633政策」 from the 2008 presidential run. He said that the plan was an idea and framework, and promised to continue to work hard. 2) Ma, using a weaker than James Soong's explanation, explained his cross-strait (China-Taiwan relation) policy: "Three No's: No unification, No independence, No Military Force" 「三不：不統不獨不武」, and the "One China Policy"「一中各表」 in "1992 Consensus" 「九二共識」. 3) Even though he apologized for falling short on his promises, he did not explain practical approaches he would take to implement them if he wins a second term. He relied on "Taiwan has gotten better under my presidency, and I will work harder to make it even better." He failed to address all criticisms that other candidates have pointed out as areas that Ma failed to do in the last three years. The reality is there is a growing discontent in Taiwan toward Ma because he has not done much at all, except for pushing for a closer China-Taiwan relations in the last three years. Ma did not address the increased gap between the rich and the poor (instead he focused on the rising average income in Taiwan), increasing marginalization of farmers and other disadvantaged groups, employees' decreased salary and unpaid vacation 無薪假期, and college graduates' low salary and unemployment problem, just to name a few.
Tsai Ing-wen (DPP) had the second-best performance.
- Body language--- Tsai looked comfortable up there, with a just-right facial expression. Her tone and pace were also appropriate- calm even when facing attacks, and respectful even when she criticized Ma.
- Strategy--- Tsai distanced herself from Chen Shui-bian right away, by telling Ma that Ma is running against Tsai, and not Chen, in this election.
- Content--- Tsai's focus on policy framework was good. She has plans for each area of presidency. Her economic policy was sound- a focus on keeping industries in Taiwan itself to increase employment rates, but at the same time to make Taiwan an active participant in the global market by helping companies do business in many countries (implying not just China). Tsai's attention to the middle-lower class people, and social benefits was good. But she did not defend well against two of Ma's attacks: 1) Although her approach to China-Taiwan relations is good because she wants a democratic process to decide how to approach China, called the "Taiwan Consensus" 「台灣共識」, her failure to explain what the democratic process entails has weakened her performance. Ma kept on attacked this Taiwanese Consensus as an "empty box" because "no one knows what it contains." 2) Tsai did not use the opportunity of Ma's attack on DPP's incorrect advertisement of the image of a specific type of persimmon and its price 「二元柿子」 to further explain the problem of decreasing agricultural production (because of industrialization) and farmers' plight in Taiwan.
James Soong (PFP) had the best performance.
- Body language--- Soong looked comfortable up there, with a just-right facial expression. His tone and pace were also appropriate, never raising his voice when stating his criticisms. Combined with his presentation of concrete examples of his policy, Soong came off as the "most competent" candidate.
- Strategy--- He agreed with Tsai's critique of Ma's failed domestic policy, while praising Ma's policy dealing with China. He criticized KMT and DPP's negative attacks against each other. He claimed that voters wanted to hear more policy, and no more "saliva war" 口水戰爭. Obviously, Soong has the advantage of not having any baggage. He would often say, "In the last 12 years, X has gotten worse." "12 years" refers to 2000 to 2012 (Chen Shui-bian a DPP president and Ma Ying-jeou a KMT president). He champions the idea of democracy in Taiwan, which he uses interchangeably with Republic of China. His mention of Chiang Ching-kuo 蔣經國, son of Chiang Kai-shek, seems to appeal to those old guards of KMT who lingered on the Chiang rule.
- Content--- I rated Soong the highest because he mentioned the most concrete examples of policies that he would implement if elected. Often, politicians are too busy outlining their talking points, which are always vague, that I do not know how they would actually do it. For example, "I would strengthen Taiwan's economy." This is a line that everyone would say. But Soong (although still not concrete enough) stated the focus of his economic policy 三中: middle class, small to mid-size business, and middle and lower income (中產階級、中小企業、中低收入戶). He also talked about a faster and a better internet system in Taiwan.
In conclusion, Soong came off the debate as the most candidate because he not only provided broad framework, he also provided some concrete policies. He does not have the political baggage of the other two candidates. Tsai came in close second because she performed and defended well, but could have clarified in two issues. Ma was a distant third because not only did he appeared panicked and aggressive, he also had no practical plan to revert his failed first-term- he thinks he is perfect.
News channels had late-night analysis of the debate. Pro-KMT channel bashed Tsai's performance and made corruption charges (TVBS), pro-DPP channel (三立) praised Tsai performance and condemned Ma's attack, and pro-Soong channel (年代) rated Soong's performance as the best, although some invited guests praised Ma's performance as well.
All candidates avoided answering directly some questions that would hurt their candidacy. E.g., to pardon or not Chen Shui-bian (see more below) (explicitly directed at Tsai), to state "no independence" (explicitly directed at Tsai), or to explain his relationship with a major gangster boss (implicitly directed at Ma). Ma was mainly attacking Tsai, Tsai was defending herself while outlining her broad vision, and Soong praised Ma's China-Taiwan economic relations agreement, Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) but agreed with many of Tsai's criticisms of Ma's presidency. Both Ma and Tsai agreed with many things that Soong said. Soong has the least baggage out of the three candidates: Ma has the baggage of the incumbent, Tsai has the baggage of Chen Shui-bian, but Soong has the excellent reputation as the last governor of Taiwan. I have these ratings for these candidates' performance: Soong #1, Tsai #2, and Ma #3. Everyone knows my political stance, thus read my explanation below.
My analysis of each candidate:
Ma Ying-jeou (KMT) had the weakest performance.
- Body language--- His body was not positioned well. He constantly leaned toward one side, instead of toward the center to face the audience/television. His pace was fast, and gave off a rushed feel, as if he was panicking. His tone toward Tsai Ing-wen often lacked respect and courtesy, as he used a light, almost joking-tone with her.
- Strategy--- 1) Ma's introduction began by viciously attacking Tsai Ing-wen, his biggest opponent. He tried to equate Tsai Ing-wen with Chen Shui-bian (two-term president from DPP, 2000-2008), who has been in imprison and has been consistently indicted of corruption charges since his term ended in 2008. He also equated DPP with Chen Shui-bian. As a whole, Taiwanese people had become sour with Chen Shui-bian and people associated with him because of these indictments. (Note: These indictments are politically-motivated, if we put aside the fact that some are true. The judicial procedures surrounding his imprisonment and indictment have received international attention because of unfair and unjust practices). 2) Ma cited numbers to support his claim that Taiwan had become richer (average income) and more internationally known (Taipei just won the bid to host the 2017 Summer World University Game) under his presidency.
- Content--- 1) Ma apologized for failing to fulfill the 633 plan 「633政策」 from the 2008 presidential run. He said that the plan was an idea and framework, and promised to continue to work hard. 2) Ma, using a weaker than James Soong's explanation, explained his cross-strait (China-Taiwan relation) policy: "Three No's: No unification, No independence, No Military Force" 「三不：不統不獨不武」, and the "One China Policy"「一中各表」 in "1992 Consensus" 「九二共識」. 3) Even though he apologized for falling short on his promises, he did not explain practical approaches he would take to implement them if he wins a second term. He relied on "Taiwan has gotten better under my presidency, and I will work harder to make it even better." He failed to address all criticisms that other candidates have pointed out as areas that Ma failed to do in the last three years. The reality is there is a growing discontent in Taiwan toward Ma because he has not done much at all, except for pushing for a closer China-Taiwan relations in the last three years. Ma did not address the increased gap between the rich and the poor (instead he focused on the rising average income in Taiwan), increasing marginalization of farmers and other disadvantaged groups, employees' decreased salary and unpaid vacation 無薪假期, and college graduates' low salary and unemployment problem, just to name a few.
Tsai Ing-wen (DPP) had the second-best performance.
- Body language--- Tsai looked comfortable up there, with a just-right facial expression. Her tone and pace were also appropriate- calm even when facing attacks, and respectful even when she criticized Ma.
- Strategy--- Tsai distanced herself from Chen Shui-bian right away, by telling Ma that Ma is running against Tsai, and not Chen, in this election.
- Content--- Tsai's focus on policy framework was good. She has plans for each area of presidency. Her economic policy was sound- a focus on keeping industries in Taiwan itself to increase employment rates, but at the same time to make Taiwan an active participant in the global market by helping companies do business in many countries (implying not just China). Tsai's attention to the middle-lower class people, and social benefits was good. But she did not defend well against two of Ma's attacks: 1) Although her approach to China-Taiwan relations is good because she wants a democratic process to decide how to approach China, called the "Taiwan Consensus" 「台灣共識」, her failure to explain what the democratic process entails has weakened her performance. Ma kept on attacked this Taiwanese Consensus as an "empty box" because "no one knows what it contains." 2) Tsai did not use the opportunity of Ma's attack on DPP's incorrect advertisement of the image of a specific type of persimmon and its price 「二元柿子」 to further explain the problem of decreasing agricultural production (because of industrialization) and farmers' plight in Taiwan.
James Soong (PFP) had the best performance.
- Body language--- Soong looked comfortable up there, with a just-right facial expression. His tone and pace were also appropriate, never raising his voice when stating his criticisms. Combined with his presentation of concrete examples of his policy, Soong came off as the "most competent" candidate.
- Strategy--- He agreed with Tsai's critique of Ma's failed domestic policy, while praising Ma's policy dealing with China. He criticized KMT and DPP's negative attacks against each other. He claimed that voters wanted to hear more policy, and no more "saliva war" 口水戰爭. Obviously, Soong has the advantage of not having any baggage. He would often say, "In the last 12 years, X has gotten worse." "12 years" refers to 2000 to 2012 (Chen Shui-bian a DPP president and Ma Ying-jeou a KMT president). He champions the idea of democracy in Taiwan, which he uses interchangeably with Republic of China. His mention of Chiang Ching-kuo 蔣經國, son of Chiang Kai-shek, seems to appeal to those old guards of KMT who lingered on the Chiang rule.
- Content--- I rated Soong the highest because he mentioned the most concrete examples of policies that he would implement if elected. Often, politicians are too busy outlining their talking points, which are always vague, that I do not know how they would actually do it. For example, "I would strengthen Taiwan's economy." This is a line that everyone would say. But Soong (although still not concrete enough) stated the focus of his economic policy 三中: middle class, small to mid-size business, and middle and lower income (中產階級、中小企業、中低收入戶). He also talked about a faster and a better internet system in Taiwan.
In conclusion, Soong came off the debate as the most candidate because he not only provided broad framework, he also provided some concrete policies. He does not have the political baggage of the other two candidates. Tsai came in close second because she performed and defended well, but could have clarified in two issues. Ma was a distant third because not only did he appeared panicked and aggressive, he also had no practical plan to revert his failed first-term- he thinks he is perfect.
News channels had late-night analysis of the debate. Pro-KMT channel bashed Tsai's performance and made corruption charges (TVBS), pro-DPP channel (三立) praised Tsai performance and condemned Ma's attack, and pro-Soong channel (年代) rated Soong's performance as the best, although some invited guests praised Ma's performance as well.
Thursday, December 1, 2011
Attitudes toward men and women in Taiwan
Even though Taiwanese people talk about the rise of women's status and power, certain attitudes remain the same. I will not be able to articulate well, but I hope that the following two examples from two talk shows are good starting points for us to think about attitudes about men and women in Taiwan.
Talk Show A (showed in November 2011): While on the topic of "Things that Women should absolutely not do when preparing for or when having sex," two male celebrities expressed their anger toward and disappointment of women's breast size. They were angry that many women in Taiwan wear push-up bras that create the illusion of their breasts as one to two sizes larger. When the opportunity of getting into the bed with women they met/were dating, they became extremely disappointed that what they thought was C cup was actually A cup. Men (at least these two guests) also became angry at what they perceived to be "false advertisement."
Talk Show B: The topic was "What do pretty/cute girls on the internet look like without make-up?" (showed on Nov. 30, 2011) The hosts showed these girls' pictures from the internet- all cute and/or pretty. These girls had big followings on the internet. The hosts then asked invited male celebrity guests to bring in these girls, one-by-one, while wearing pajamas and without any make-up. Perhaps somewhat exaggerated, these guests all complained the plainness, or even ugliness of these girls (without make-up). They made nasty comments about these girls' looks (such as: "I have no more appetite." "I cannot eat for three days"). They highly doubted if these were the same persons. These girls brought their make-up tools with them, and put on make-up in the duration of the show. At the end of the show, each girl reappeared with fashionable clothing with high heels, and most importantly, (heavy) make-up. The concluding remarks of one of the hosts was: "Very soon, there would be no ugly girls. Men need to watch out."
Questions: How has the sense of beauty that globalization (global media) brings influenced expectations of women? What is the relationship between consumerism and the growing gap between rich and poor? Have women been "liberated" by global consumerism in having the freedom to consume? Or have women used global capitalism and consumerism to express their liberation? Have women become less "liberated" as they conform to some sense of beauty that emphasizes big eyes, lighter skin, big breasts, small waist, and thin and long legs that can be created by cosmetics and fashion? While we focus on women's liberation, what about men's attitude? Have their attitudes toward women changed over time? Can we continue to "excuse" some of men's attitudes simply by saying "."
Talk Show A (showed in November 2011): While on the topic of "Things that Women should absolutely not do when preparing for or when having sex," two male celebrities expressed their anger toward and disappointment of women's breast size. They were angry that many women in Taiwan wear push-up bras that create the illusion of their breasts as one to two sizes larger. When the opportunity of getting into the bed with women they met/were dating, they became extremely disappointed that what they thought was C cup was actually A cup. Men (at least these two guests) also became angry at what they perceived to be "false advertisement."
Talk Show B: The topic was "What do pretty/cute girls on the internet look like without make-up?" (showed on Nov. 30, 2011) The hosts showed these girls' pictures from the internet- all cute and/or pretty. These girls had big followings on the internet. The hosts then asked invited male celebrity guests to bring in these girls, one-by-one, while wearing pajamas and without any make-up. Perhaps somewhat exaggerated, these guests all complained the plainness, or even ugliness of these girls (without make-up). They made nasty comments about these girls' looks (such as: "I have no more appetite." "I cannot eat for three days"). They highly doubted if these were the same persons. These girls brought their make-up tools with them, and put on make-up in the duration of the show. At the end of the show, each girl reappeared with fashionable clothing with high heels, and most importantly, (heavy) make-up. The concluding remarks of one of the hosts was: "Very soon, there would be no ugly girls. Men need to watch out."
Questions: How has the sense of beauty that globalization (global media) brings influenced expectations of women? What is the relationship between consumerism and the growing gap between rich and poor? Have women been "liberated" by global consumerism in having the freedom to consume? Or have women used global capitalism and consumerism to express their liberation? Have women become less "liberated" as they conform to some sense of beauty that emphasizes big eyes, lighter skin, big breasts, small waist, and thin and long legs that can be created by cosmetics and fashion? While we focus on women's liberation, what about men's attitude? Have their attitudes toward women changed over time? Can we continue to "excuse" some of men's attitudes simply by saying "."
Taipei vs. non-Taipei
Residents of Taipei have a sense of superiority over the rest of Taiwan. Those "native" residents of Taipei who recognized it are critical of this attitude. Those "new" residents of Taipei whose hometowns are elsewhere have also criticized this attitude because they have heard degrading comments regarding non-Taipei places and people.
Many questions arise from people's perception of this attitude. What constitutes "Taipei"? Does it refer to Taipei city? Or formerly Taipei County 台北縣, but now New Taipei City 新北市? A colleague from Chang-hua 彰化 explains that everyone north of Miao-li 苗栗 feels that they are "Taipei resident" 台北人. This would include Taipei City, New Taipei City, Tao-yuan 桃園, Hsin-chu 新竹, and Keelung 基隆. What constitutes "Taipei resident" 台北人? Is it lifestyle? Can one become one, or does she/he need to be born in the area? Taipei residents often complain that non-Taipei places are less developed, thus hinted at a sense of uncivilized place and people. But non-Taipei residents sometimes fight against this "Taipei residents' sense of superiority" by claiming to have cheaper and better foods.
What sparked this identity probably has to do with Taiwan's politics and economy. The "North" is more urbanized, with great public transportation system concentrated in the capital. The "North" is also more politically "blue" (see my post on "Election in Taiwan" to get a brief intro to "blue" vs. "green" in Taiwan), as in pro-KMT (Chinese Nationalist Party). People in the "North" also speak more Chinese Mandarin. In contrast, the "South" is less urbanized and less-developed public transportation system, and more politically "green." Residents of the "South" speak more Taiwanese hoklo, the native language of over 85% of population in Taiwan.
Researcher's block
I am currently experiencing "researcher's block." I see more variations than patterns in sources I have collected. I am not sure how to break out of it and find "value" in my work. Although I attend lectures and conferences, audit a class on Taiwan's education during the Japanese period 近代教育史, and participate in a reading group of an intellectual's diary from the Japanese period, I do not have regular opportunities to flush out my data and thoughts. I need to take some steps to change this situation before I feel I can talk to my advisers and professors in Taiwan.
Election Year in Taiwan
Note: Romanization of Chinese characters are given in how they are spelled in Taiwan, which is close to the Wade-Giles system, unless there is already a common spelling.
Taiwan's next presidential election is on January 14, 2012. This date differs from the usual end-of-March presidential election because Ma Ying-jeou, the current president, changed it in hope that many Taiwanese businessmen in China who return to Taiwan for Lunar New Year's celebration (January , 2012) would also vote. This group of people leans toward The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT, GMD 中國國民黨) that Ma Ying-jeou belongs to.
Tsai Ing-wen 蔡英文, the presidential candidate from Democratic Progressive Party (DPP )民主進步黨 and the first woman presidential candidate in Taiwan, had a rally with candidates for Legislature Yuan in Mujha Market 木柵市場 on November 13. It was my first political rally in Taiwan. Various staff and candidates gave speeches, criticizing current political affairs (unsurprisingly). Most attendees were people over 50-60 years of age. Some parents and grandparents brought children to the rally. One six- or seven-year-old boy who sat near me responded loudly to each shout-out (phrases like "gets elected" 當選 and "yes" 好). I wondered if he understood what he was responding to, and what his shout-outs meant. Did his family "train" him from an earlier age on. Some attendees eventually left because of the on-and-off rain and the long wait for Tsai Ing-wen, but as a whole most people stayed. The rally began at 7pm, and Tsai appeared at around 9:15pm. The crowd grew more impatient and tired with each waiting moment, but found new energy immediately with the appearance of Tsai. The crowd really loved her. People rushed over to the stage to take pictures of her. Tsai looked tired but spoke for about 30 minutes. The crowd wanted her to say more, but she promised that she would return to talk more with the residents. Mujha was the last stop of her campaign for the day.
Tsai's appearance in Mujha was significant because, as I learned that day, Mujha is in the "bluest" districts in Taiwan, the Wunshan District 文山區. It is "bluest" because Ma Ying-jeou, the current president, used to live in the district. Its neighboring district, Ta-an District 大安區, is the second bluest district. Both districts had over 70% votes for the Blue Camp in the 2010 mayoral election and election for vacant positions in Legislature Yuan. This high percentage of support occurred even with the 2010 election, which revealed signs that Ma Ying-jeou's administration was losing popular support as his party the KMT did not win as many positions as they expected.
The current election status looks like KMT is on the defensive, while DPP is on the offensive. Many issues, mainly tied to the economy and employee benefits, are keeping the ruling party KMT on its toes. KMT currently holds the presidency and controls over 70% of the Legislature Yuan body. The judicial branch is also overwhelmingly, if not nearly 100%, full of KMT sympathizers.
This year's election feels very different from previous ones I have seen in Taiwan. The biggest factor being it is the first presidential election that I will witness while in Taiwan, and not Legislative Yuan or local elections. Still, the difference holds: campaign billboards are less color-coded- less blue, and definitely a lot less green. The two major political camps in Taiwan are blue and green. The Blue Camp 藍營 is a coalition of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT or GMD, 中國國民黨), People First Party 親民黨, and New Party 新黨. The latter two parties were split from KMT. What unifies these three parties is their pro-China stance in holding onto the idea of the Republic of China, and a lingers on the idea of China the homeland. The Green Camp 綠營 is a coalition of Democratic Progressive Party 民主進步黨 and Taiwan Solidarity Union 台灣團結聯盟黨. These two parties are pro-Taiwan in advocating Taiwan's uniqueness and independence from China.
Taiwan's next presidential election is on January 14, 2012. This date differs from the usual end-of-March presidential election because Ma Ying-jeou, the current president, changed it in hope that many Taiwanese businessmen in China who return to Taiwan for Lunar New Year's celebration (January , 2012) would also vote. This group of people leans toward The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT, GMD 中國國民黨) that Ma Ying-jeou belongs to.
Tsai Ing-wen 蔡英文, the presidential candidate from Democratic Progressive Party (DPP )民主進步黨 and the first woman presidential candidate in Taiwan, had a rally with candidates for Legislature Yuan in Mujha Market 木柵市場 on November 13. It was my first political rally in Taiwan. Various staff and candidates gave speeches, criticizing current political affairs (unsurprisingly). Most attendees were people over 50-60 years of age. Some parents and grandparents brought children to the rally. One six- or seven-year-old boy who sat near me responded loudly to each shout-out (phrases like "gets elected" 當選 and "yes" 好). I wondered if he understood what he was responding to, and what his shout-outs meant. Did his family "train" him from an earlier age on. Some attendees eventually left because of the on-and-off rain and the long wait for Tsai Ing-wen, but as a whole most people stayed. The rally began at 7pm, and Tsai appeared at around 9:15pm. The crowd grew more impatient and tired with each waiting moment, but found new energy immediately with the appearance of Tsai. The crowd really loved her. People rushed over to the stage to take pictures of her. Tsai looked tired but spoke for about 30 minutes. The crowd wanted her to say more, but she promised that she would return to talk more with the residents. Mujha was the last stop of her campaign for the day.
Tsai's appearance in Mujha was significant because, as I learned that day, Mujha is in the "bluest" districts in Taiwan, the Wunshan District 文山區. It is "bluest" because Ma Ying-jeou, the current president, used to live in the district. Its neighboring district, Ta-an District 大安區, is the second bluest district. Both districts had over 70% votes for the Blue Camp in the 2010 mayoral election and election for vacant positions in Legislature Yuan. This high percentage of support occurred even with the 2010 election, which revealed signs that Ma Ying-jeou's administration was losing popular support as his party the KMT did not win as many positions as they expected.
The current election status looks like KMT is on the defensive, while DPP is on the offensive. Many issues, mainly tied to the economy and employee benefits, are keeping the ruling party KMT on its toes. KMT currently holds the presidency and controls over 70% of the Legislature Yuan body. The judicial branch is also overwhelmingly, if not nearly 100%, full of KMT sympathizers.
This year's election feels very different from previous ones I have seen in Taiwan. The biggest factor being it is the first presidential election that I will witness while in Taiwan, and not Legislative Yuan or local elections. Still, the difference holds: campaign billboards are less color-coded- less blue, and definitely a lot less green. The two major political camps in Taiwan are blue and green. The Blue Camp 藍營 is a coalition of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT or GMD, 中國國民黨), People First Party 親民黨, and New Party 新黨. The latter two parties were split from KMT. What unifies these three parties is their pro-China stance in holding onto the idea of the Republic of China, and a lingers on the idea of China the homeland. The Green Camp 綠營 is a coalition of Democratic Progressive Party 民主進步黨 and Taiwan Solidarity Union 台灣團結聯盟黨. These two parties are pro-Taiwan in advocating Taiwan's uniqueness and independence from China.
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